—ASM Kamrul Islam—

Following the historic student protests in July, which toppled Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime, the nation has regained its faith in comprehensive reform, starting from the highest levels of governance to the grassroots. Md Yunus, chief advisor of the interim government, has promised to implement significant reforms before organizing a national election.

However, mainstream political parties are pressing for a definitive roadmap for the 13th National Parliament Election, thereby increasing pressure on the interim government. Claims have been made that the political parties are reluctant for summative reformation, as some of them believe they deserve a fair share of resources and corruption to make it level as Awami League did over the past 15 years.

Since the Liberation War of 1971, the political monopoly was mostly controlled by two parties: Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Both parties have been centered around two influential families, the Sheikh family and the Zia family. In well-functioning democracies, party candidates are typically selected based on merit and contribution rather than familial ties, ensuring a more competitive and democratic process.

However, in Bangladesh, as we have no cap for being a candidate in the national election, the same faces repeat every five years. To end this cycle of political monopoly, the interim government should now impose limits on the number of times an individual can hold the position of prime minister.

The flaws of the Constitution are being called out by the whole nation, as by using this constitutional power, Sheikh Hasina turned herself into an autocrat. A big portion of the people want a direct abolishment of the Constitution, whereas others are asking for rigorous reform. Nevertheless, the political parties have shown no interest in either proposition. This raises the concern of whether they wish to preserve the current Constitution, as it could serve their interests in the same way it benefited the AL. If this concern is valid, it should become the interim government’s topmost priority to address these issues and implement necessary reforms before relinquishing power to an elected government.

Nepotism in recruitment remains one of the most significant barriers to qualitative progress in Bangladesh. Whether it is faculty appointments at public universities or civil service recruitment through the BCS exams, political favoritism has severely undermined meritocracy and polarized institutions. A quick return to political rule risks perpetuating this system of nepotism, as a newly-elected government would likely impose its own model of favoritism. To avoid this, the interim government must put in place strong regulations that guarantee accountability, openness, and appropriate checks and balances in hiring procedures, protecting these improvements from future political meddling.

The biggest significance of this revolution was that it was led by students with no political backing. Although some political parties expressed support for the protests, students consistently rejected political involvement to maintain its non-political nature. The anti-Ershad movement of 1990 was led by political parties, where 2024 differs greatly. The students refused the political entities and made a demand to ban student politics on campus premises. The students demanded a ban on campus-based student politics, which has historically caused more harm than good in Bangladesh. It appears our political parties do not want to impose a ban on student politics, as it would loosen any grip on university campuses once they come to power. Hence, the interim government remains the students’ only key ally to uphold their demands and ensure their fulfillment.

It would be impossible to “restart” the nation without clearing away all of these issues because other areas like banking, education, the economy, and foreign policy are so dysfunctional. In order to guarantee sustainable development and equitable resource allocation for future generations, reforms must place a high priority on eliminating systemic corruption, improving accountability, and laying out transparent frameworks.

Elections may come every five years, but a revolution is a once-in-a-lifetime phenomenon. It is not something we witness every decade; it transcends generations, unfolding once in centuries. A completely non-political movement has overthrown the biggest autocrat in the history of Bangladesh, this is the most monumental event in the history of Bangladesh since 1971.

The lives lost in July and August were not sacrificed for political ambition or a thirst for power. They fought with the dream of steering their nation back on course, envisioning a better Bangladesh. Their sacrifices carry a purpose, and that purpose must never be in vain. Reformation is necessary. The election can wait.

(ASM Kamrul Islam is a Lecturer at Green University of Bangladesh.)