—Mahfuzur Rahman—

Bangladesh is in a transition. By the time this article reaches the reader, the swearing-in ceremony of a new government will have ended. It means, by then, the country will welcome a new government. Changing the government is not an easy matter in Bangladesh. Although this year’s election was fairly fair, its context was very bloody. If there was an opportunity to change the government through elections, the people would not have chosen the bloody path.

When the path to change the government through elections was blocked, the military regime would intervene and act as an agent of change. Recently, the so-called civil society has played that role. This time, the dominance of foreign passport holders or those living abroad is noticeable in that society. However, this time, the civil society has made such a mess that the people are divided about the role of the civil society at the end of their term. If a fair election and transfer of power are taken into account, the interim government may fall in time, but the criticism against the government for its failure in good governance is very heavy.

The new government will start its journey with bitterness due to the challenges that the interim government has put on it. The interim government has appointed whoever it wants without regard to the rules and regulations. If the new government wants to establish transparency in the administration and bring dynamism, all contractual appointments must be cancelled immediately. New appointments, posts and postings must be examined. In Bangladesh, the appointments that are based on political considerations are like a poisonous plant. This is why the bureaucracy is corrupt. To prevent this rot, appointments and postings should be based on merit as far as possible. Second, the law enforcement agencies need to be entirely professional in discharging their duties. That is, the law must be applied equally for everyone without any exceptions. The provisions of the law must be followed strictly, but with transparency and accountability. The interim government has arbitrarily filed cases against the officials and supporters of the fallen government in large numbers. In most of the cases, these are murder cases. It enabled the government to suppress the supporters of the fallen government. They are easily cornered. This is an example of the misuse of the existing laws. Even the trial that sentenced the fallen prime minister and home minister to death has been questioned in terms of fairness.

Such vindictive behaviour of the interim government has, in a sense, strengthened the chances of rehabilitation of the political parties associated with the fallen government. Therefore, the new government must pay attention to this. Justice against crime is essential as a prerequisite for establishing the rule of law. But judicial practice has been used as a tool of politics before, and such a situation has persisted during the interim government. None of these are signs of good governance. The sooner the new government looks into the matter, the more likely it is that justice will be delivered. The interim government banned the Chhatra League by an executive order and later banned the activities of the Awami League. As a result, the Awami League did not get the opportunity to participate in the elections. The elected government must address this scenario in a political manner. In the interest of establishing inclusive politics in the country, all political parties and ideologies must be given a reasonable place. The hint given by Tarique Rahman that this issue will be resolved through legal means is appropriate, but I think political consideration is also important in resolving the issue.

The BNP election manifesto contains a proposal to form a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. If it is on the model of the commission formed in South Africa after the overthrow of apartheid, then I welcome it. However, if the time frame of this commission is extended, perhaps more acceptable results can be achieved. In this case, the entire nation needs to be led from the front, the entire nation has to be motivated towards unity, and the goal of reconciliation has to be to establish sympathy, harmony, and brotherhood. I hope that BNP did not include this issue in the manifesto just to cross the electoral threshold. Rather, it has worked on a model to implement it. Unfortunately, even after fifty-five years of independence, our nation is divided on the question of our history. I hope that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission will be able to bring the history of the nation onto the right track.

Dear reader, before the end of this article, it was learned that the all-talented Dr Khalilur Rahman has been added as an ornament to the newly elected cabinet. It only takes one drop of lime juice to spoil a bucket of milk. His appointment has raised thousands of questions. Some of the questions are very old, from twenty-five years ago. The appointment of Dr Khalil has clouded the very reasons why the new government needed to distance itself from the interim government. Should we call this a new government now, or should we call it the interim government 2.0? Is BNP ready to answer this question?

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The writer is a former Bangladeshi Ambassador