TDS Desk:
Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Chowdhury Abdullah Al‑Mamun, who led the police force from 2022 until the fall of the Awami League government in August 2024, submitted a confessional statement before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court in Dhaka on 24 March in connection with an International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) case.
In the statement, he declared that bullets were fired from helicopters at students and civilians during the July uprising, a decision taken solely at the political level—not by the police command.
According to the report, the former IGP said the helicopter operation was masterminded by RAB Director General Harun‑or‑Rashid, in coordination with the military, and police leadership—including himself as police chief—were not involved. The deployment of helicopters was executed as a political decision.
Al‑Mamun testified that following the helicopter deployment, the use of deadly weapons and “block raids”—where protest‑prone areas were divided and forcefully raided—was also decided at the political level. Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal informed him that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had authorized the decision to use lethal force. Additional DIG (Headquarters) Proloy Joarder relayed the orders to DMP leadership and other police tiers.
According to the testimony, DMP Commissioner Habibur Rahman and DBI Chief Harun‑or‑Rashid “were extremely enthusiastic” about using lethal weapons and worked in close coordination with Home Minister Kamal. On 18 July 2024, DMP leadership openly ordered the firing using Chinese rifles during protest suppression operations.
NIGHTLY MEETINGS AND PLANNING
Mamun said that nearly every night from 19 July, a core committee—comprising the Home Secretary Jahangir, Additional Secretaries (such as Tipu Sultan and Reza Mostafa), heads of SB, DB, RAB, DMP, Ansar, NTMC, BGB, and DGFI—gathered at former Home Minister Kamal’s residence to plan protest suppression. As IGP, Mamun was present. They discussed detailed strategies including the arrest of movement organizers, response tactics, and political decisions on suppression.
Following these meetings, DB Chief Harun‑or‑Rashid and DGFI were instructed to arrest student activist coordinators. They detained them under DB custody, pressured them through relatives and coerced statements to retract participation in the movement publicly. Mamun opposed these arrests but they proceeded under ministerial instructions. He noted that Kamal referred to Harun as “Jin” for his efficiency in executing political directives.
MEETINGS AT GONO BHABAN ON 4 AUGUST
Al‑Mamun revealed that on 4 August 2024, the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina convened two meetings at Gono Bhaban. The morning session at 11 am included the PM, law and home ministers, heads of the military services, and national security advisers. They reviewed the uprising’s severity and decided on force deployment; reportedly, no discussion occurred regarding regime change.
That night at 10:00 pm, a second gathering took place with senior civil and military officials including Gen. Mujibur Rahman, RAB DG, DMP Commissioner Habibur Rahman, and Al‑Mamun. They laid plans for statewide force deployment on 5 August. The meeting lasted about 30–45 minutes, after which officials proceeded to the military’s control room. They agreed to position forces at all major entry points to Dhaka with joint coordination between police and the army.
EVENTS ON 5 AUGUST
He testified that on the morning of 5 August, millions of people converged on Dhaka, and the army did not block their entry—with some army officers reportedly siding with protesters. This prevented authorities from halting the mass march to Ganabhaban. Around noon, the Prime Minister’s Office directed police to intercept crowds near Mohakhali. Mamun later believed the government would collapse, and evacuated to Tejgaon Airport by police helicopter, taking refuge in the army mess.
ADDITIONAL ALLEGATIONS
During the 2018 parliamentary election, Mamun claimed that former IGP Jabed Patwari advised pre‑stuffing nearly 50 % of ballot boxes overnight under political direction—a move implemented through election officials and police leadership, undermining professional conduct .
Mamun described a systemic pattern of enforced disappearances and the operation of secret detention cells inside RAB from April 2020 to September 2022. While he learned about these abuses, he did not investigate or act due to decisions being taken by other branches, notably intelligence agencies and military advisers, bypassing the IGP’s authority.
At the close of his five‑page affidavit, Al‑Mamun expressed deep shame, regret, and apology for facilitating government‑ordered brutality—including shootings, torture, mass arrests, and killings—against students and civilians during the suppression of the anti‑discrimination movement. He said he provided the statement to reveal the full extent of his involvement.