—Audite Karim—

Not too long ago, in October last year, MPO-enlisted teachers across the country took to the streets demanding increases in salaries and allowances. Their demands included a house rent allowance at 20% of basic pay, an increase in the medical allowance from Tk500 to Tk1,500, and an increase in the festival allowance from 50% of basic pay to 75%.

They began their movement on 12 October last year. On 17 October, the demand to nationalise all non-government educational institutions was added to the programme. However, the government first beat them with police batons and later sent them back home with vague assurances of minor salary increases. The demands of nearly four hundred thousand MPO-enlisted teachers were not accepted. The government also did not accept the demand for salary increases for assistant teachers in government primary schools.

On Saturday morning, 8 November last year, government primary school assistant teachers began a sit-in programme at the Central Shaheed Minar, demanding three points, including promotion to the tenth grade. During the movement, they were subjected to police baton charges, water cannons, rubber bullets, and sound grenades. Their demands were: upgrading the current pay scale of assistant teachers from the 13th grade to the 10th grade; resolving complications related to higher-grade promotions upon completion of 10 and 16 years of service; and ensuring 100% departmental promotion from assistant teacher to head teacher.

The government also suppressed the demand for salary increases by Ebtedayi madrasa teachers using police force. Teachers began a sit-in programme on 12 October last year, demanding the nationalisation of Ebtedayi madrasa education. They issued an ultimatum to publish a gazette in this regard by the afternoon of 30 October and announced a long march towards Jamuna from the Press Club on 2 November. On 29 October, when teachers attempted to march towards the Secretariat, clashes broke out between the protesters and the police. Police dispersed them using sound grenades, tear gas shells, and water cannons, injuring more than fifty teachers.

We all more or less know the financial condition of Bangladesh’s teaching community. They receive salaries that make it impossible to live a minimally dignified life in today’s market conditions. Their demand for salary increases is justified. BNP, Jamaat, NCP, and almost all political parties expressed support for teachers’ demands for increased pay and allowances. Yet the interim government remained unmoved.

The government ignored these demands mainly on two grounds. First, the country’s economic condition is not good. Due to rampant corruption and mismanagement by the previous government, the economy is in crisis, making such salary increases impossible. Second, only an elected government can resolve such demands.

Like teachers, workers are also suffering. Under the pressure of high inflation and rising prices of essential goods, workers began movements demanding wage increases immediately after this government assumed office. From October 2023 to December 2024, garment workers staged several rounds of protests demanding higher wages. They demonstrated in industrial areas such as Savar, Ashulia, and Gazipur.

During these movements, highways such as Dhaka–Mymensingh and Dhaka–Tangail were blocked, vehicles vandalised, and police boxes, pick-up vans, and garment factories set on fire. During clashes with police, one worker was reportedly shot dead and another died in a fire. Despite multiple movements, the workers did not succeed.

Compared to teachers or workers, government employees and officials are in a much better position. Due to the policy of appeasing bureaucrats during the previous government’s tenure, salaries in government jobs were increased abnormally. Not only salaries, but other benefits also increased geometrically. Officials and employees have been receiving regular 5% increments, along with additional special benefits of 5% and 10%. They also enjoy various allowances, including easy-term loans for purchasing cars.

In such a situation, the question arises as to why the government suddenly decided to nearly double the salaries of government employees. Implementing this proposal would require an additional Tk1.06 lakh crore. When the government itself says it is trying to fix a chaotic economy, why is it so eager, at this inopportune time, to please government officials? The current government will not even be able to implement this pay scale. Why burden the future elected government with such massive financial pressure even before it assumes office?

If we analyse the irregularities and corruption of the previous regime, we find deep involvement by the bureaucracy. Having lost public support, the Awami League government became entirely dependent on the bureaucracy. Many bureaucrats were more powerful than ministers. From midnight voting to money laundering, everything happened with the backing and patronage of a section of bureaucrats.

During that time, many bureaucrats amassed mountains of wealth abroad. During the Awami League era itself, reports from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs revealed that bureaucrats owned the highest amount of assets in Canada. The lavish lifestyles of most Bangladeshi bureaucrats are astonishing. There is no apparent connection between their salaries and their lifestyles. Not only secretaries, but even many mid-level bureaucrats send their children abroad for education. The question is: where does this money come from?

During the previous government’s tenure, bureaucratic arbitrariness reached its peak. After 5 August, demands for bureaucratic reform emerged. Experts advised reducing dependence on bureaucrats. But over the past one and a half years, this interim government has also gradually become dependent on the bureaucracy. The ultimate proof of this is the pay scale.

Many believe that over the past 15 years, the bureaucracy has become more rotten than politicians. Yet after 5 August 2024, very few highly powerful bureaucrats from the Awami League era have faced any action. Many of the most powerful bureaucrats of that time have not even had cases filed against them. While many innocent businesspeople and industrial entrepreneurs have been harassed on allegations of money laundering—often without adequate evidence due to political vendettas—not a single visible step has been taken against any bureaucrat on money laundering charges.

It is an open secret that some bureaucrats own houses abroad. Yet there is no investigation into these illegal assets. Many bureaucrats who behaved like Awami League leaders during its rule remain firmly in their posts. They have only changed their colours. Why does this situation persist? The reason is the current government’s dependence on bureaucrats. Bureaucrats are now pulling the strings from behind the scenes. Even a changed Bangladesh remains beyond the reach of bureaucratic accountability.

When bureaucrats engage in corruption, justice is no longer served as before. In allegations involving corruption worth crores of taka in DC postings, the highest punishment for a bureaucrat has been a transfer. Bureaucrats continue to run the country as before. And that is why those who truly deserve salary increases are beaten by police batons, while bureaucrats get their salaries doubled.

To cover this massive additional expenditure, ordinary people will be squeezed. The tax burden will increase. Prices of goods will skyrocket. Severe instability will arise in the private sector. Inflation will rise further. A new government will face a fierce economic storm the moment it assumes office. But what does that matter? Bureaucrats will be just fine.

Whoever comes to power, the real key to power remains in the hands of bureaucrats. They will only change their colours.

I have only one question: how long will bureaucrat appeasement continue? How long will you keep pouring oil on an oily head?

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Audite Karim is a writer and playwright. Email: [email protected]